What Types of Sports Bets Are There?

There are different types of sports bets that you can make over a wide array of sports. Given the fact that all sports have different natures, a certain sport bet might work well that the others. Also, the fact that different sports have different natures, varying amount of sports bets have been created.

Future Betting

As the name implies, this is a type of bet that will require bettors to make a wager on a particular sporting event that will occur in the not so distant future. This bet requires the bettor to place wagers as soon as possible. The closer the bet is made on the day of the sporting event, the lesser the payout they could possibly receive. Additionally, the amount of risks bettors take in placing their wagers so far ahead can provide them high amounts of payouts in the event they win over their bet.

However, bookmakers are updating the odds for future bets constantly, especially when the season is about to unfold. Most of the future bets are focused on culminating championship matches like the world’s Series winner, the Super Bowl team, or the World Cup Championship.

Money Lines

This is a type of a sport bet wherein the wagers are made or put on players or competitors you have a strong hunch that will win the match or the game. This sports bet is established by bookmakers. Basically, you will place your bet on the most favored team and receive low payouts. However, the opposite of this is highly interesting. Place you money on the underdog and collect high amounts of payouts in the event of an upset. This is the primary reason why most bettors put their money line bets on the dark horse as they think it is a good investment.

Money lines bet is created to make betting on the underdog team more enticing. If money lines bet is not available, all bettors will place their wagers on the most favored team.

Parlays

This type of bet can be made over different sporting events. This type of sports bet comprises five to six wagers and these wagers are placed into several sporting events or several sport matches. Bettors must win all of their bets on the parlay before they can collect prize payouts. Given the difficult nature of this bet, the payout that it provides is extremely high.

There are other types of sports bet out there, but these three are the most common and most popular sports bet.

 

What Is an Accumulator Bet?

An accumulator bet is a combination of four or more selections on a single wager that provides you with profit only if all the parts win. The primary advantage of this type of bet is that the winnings you can get are extremely high at the expense of the increased risk. If you lose the entire bet, you only lose a single selection.

For the non-runner, the returns are calculated as if the accumulator bet had not contained the selections. In an instance, a six-fold selection will become a five folds selection. Also, the dead heats for the winning positions are settled at reduced odds through the use of the standard rules. Enhanced accumulator odds and bonuses of fixed percentages are made available at bookmakers, which include skybet and bet365.

An accumulator bet is available for all sports, but bookmakers have varying rules in combining the selections. The selections range from more than one to as many selections so that they can create a single bet. Also, selections in a single event cannot be used as a single accumulator bet. This is done to prevent anyone from trying to place multiple bets on the same runner. The selections in parlays must be independent. An accumulator bet has all or nothing nature. Therefore, punters prefer to hedge their risks through placing their bets on their wagers folds so that it’s still possible to collect gains even if not all the selections win.

Furthermore, accumulators can also include over or under bets on the game’s final score and to the selection of which side will win. Props can be offered which team will score first or which team will score last. Accumulators offer huge payout even on a relatively small bet. Some bookmakers require $2 of minimum bet for point spread accumulators while other bookmakers will require up to $10 for a minimum accumulator bet.

One of the biggest concerns of both bookmakers and bettors is the event of draw. All of the conditions and terms must be laid out clearly to protect the benefit of both parties. In some cases, the ‘must win’ rule applies and the accumulator bet is considered as lose in the event of a draw. However, some situations reduce the wager by one selection and the 4-folds become treble and given to both parties accordingly.

An accumulator bet is also known as parlays. While this is common to soccer sports betting, this is applicable to any kind of sports gambling.

 

Do Bookmakers Always Win?

Bookmaking in sports betting is an extremely difficult job to take, but bookmakers always end up winners. However, bookmakers do not always win. Mistakes can be made often and they lose on their bets too.

Bookmakers always win because they know how to place their wager. They understand that payoffs in sports betting games are always changing and they shift to the odds to their advantage, so they often win rather than losing. For an instance, there are two opening bets in your favorite sports betting game such as soccer, the odds of the tow soccer team can be similar. However, the more people that support the stronger team, the more the wagers are laid out on that team. This reduces the payout and the bookmaker lowers his odds of payout.

The reverse effect this situation is the same with other bookmakers that support the weaker team. Your odds for winning will increase, and if you are confident that an upset will happen, you can place your bet on the weaker team. Be prepared to collect a high amount of winning after the game has ended.

Additionally, bookmakers are capable of increasing the wager amount that you need to pay for the bet if the odds are against them. This will result in reduced winning in the game on your part, and help them take advantage of the risks of losing big money. Based on this, punters can be at the losing end at all times. This can be true to a certain extent. However, you can beat bookmakers if you have enough knowledge and the right skills as well as the right betting system.

Additionally, the number of bets on a particular sports betting game can significantly change your winnings. You can switch to a better sport betting system if you want to win more. If you decide to make this move, you need to analyze and research each sport betting game to improve your chances of winning, especially on a large bet. Learn about each sport betting game and think before you bet. If you know your odds, you will know how to beat bookmakers.

If you decide to be a bookmaker, you need to acquire the best bookmaking system to ensure that you can take advantage of your odds. Note that you will have plenty of betting clients, so your odds are high. If you do not have the best betting system, you may end up losing instead of winning.

 

A Betting Guide to Horse Racing

The basic thing that you should learn about betting on horse racing is the fact that it is somehow complicated especially if you are not familiar with everything in the race track. If you are already fixed with the idea of learning how to bet, then start reading through the guidelines and terminologies.

Types of Horse Racing Bets

There are 2 categories of betting, the basic and most recommended category for beginners is the straight wagers and for skilled and experts the exotic wagers.

Straight Wagers

For beginners, this is the category that is sure to make them learn betting easily. It is cheap and very simple. You just have to pick a particular horse that would end the race in first place, second or third. Aside from that, the minimum bet is just about $2 in most tracks. Picking just one horse, the following are terms that you should know under the category:

  • Place-betting on a horse for “place” means that you are betting that the horse will either win in 1st or 2nd. You will be collecting your wins when your horse finishes the race in either 1st or 2nd place. Though the payout for this wager is lesser than win wager, you are still secured to get cash when your horse wins any of the 2 top spots.
  • Win Wager-this is placing your bet for a horse that will in the 1st spot. If he wins first, then you can collect the payout.
  • Show-it is a bet wherein your horse will be coming in any of the top 3 places. Since you are betting in any of the possible spots, your chance of winning is higher yet the money you can collect is still lesser than wagers win and place.
  • Across-the-board-when you make a bet for this one, it means that you are placing a bet for your horse that can win, show and place. It is also known as a “combo straight wager” wherein you will place a bet on each wagers of win, place and show. Each bet will cost $2, which means this wager will cost $6 in total. Whenever your horse gets to the 1st place, you get the money for each wager, when your horse finishes 2nd, you collect money from place and show wagers but when your horse finishes 3rd, you only get the money from the show wager.
  • Place/Show, Win/Place-it is, somehow, the same with the across-the-board wager since you are making two wagers with a single bet. Either you get money from both wagers where you have placed your bet or just get money from 1 wager, depending on which place your horse finishes.

Now, these bets are for the straight wagers alone. For those who want a touch of complexity it is best that you learn the exotic wagers.

Exotic Wagers

With the exotic wagers, you are allowed to place your bet in multiple horses, making your profit potential higher than any other wagers. But for beginners who are up for a challenge, you should know that these wagers are often harder to win unlike straight bets. It can also cost you much especially when you are not careful. This will also require skills in handicapping horses to win. What makes this category exciting is that you can start experimenting bets with wagers with this category.

  • Exacta-you will be betting on 2 different horses that you would come exactly in either 1st or 2nd place. This will hinder you from winning always since the payoff is very lucrative. You will also have another choice, which is boxing your bet for the exacta. This will give you the chance of winning since boxing means your horses can come in any of the two spots on top yet it will cost you twice a single bet.
  • Quinella-this is a bet where your 2 horses will come in 1st or 2nd regardless of the order. You may think that it is just the same with the boxing in exacta. Well, the costs differ. With exacta box you will bet for $4 while in quinella, it is only $2, which is a huge difference.
  • Trifecta-you can bet for 3 horses and these horses should win in the top 3 places in order. As you box your trifecta, you can bet on 3 horses and they can win in any order. But take note that the cost of the bet is higher than of the single trifecta bet.
  • Superfecta-the number of horses is 4 and should finish in exact orders, which is 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th. Unlike trifectas and exactas, an additional cost will be required for boxing a superfecta. Most of the time, the minimum additional bet would only cost 10cents making it more appealing than other wagers.

Learning these two categories on how to bet on horse racing, you can start studying which wagers are best for you and where you can start as a beginner.

Maps

The UK housing situation has become more and more complex in recent years, which is the very reason that this site was created. It is often easier to get an idea of the overall current situation by looking at a visual representation, so we have organised this map to aid you.

 
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Housing Supply

Available charts:

  • Housing stock by tenure, 2007
  • Percentage increase in types of housing, 1991-2007
  • Owner-occupied dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007
  • Privately rented dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007
  • Housing Association dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007
  • Local authority dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007
  • New build housing, 1997-2007
  • Housing completions, 1991-2007
  • Public sector housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008
  • Housing association housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008
  • Total private sector housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008
  • New house starts begun in 2008
  • Housing completions in 2008

Housing stock by tenure, 2007

The UK is a country of home-owners, with just under 70% of homes in private ownership in 2007.

Social housing (comprising 8.4% housing association and 9.7% local authority stock) and the private rented sector (12.4%) make up a small percentage of the remaining housing stock in the UK.

Scotland has the lowest level of owner-occupation (65.4%) and the largest proportion of social housing (25.1%).

Privately rented housing stock is most prevalent in England – forming 12.9% of all homes.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 107

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Percentage increase in types of housing, 1991-2007

This graph shows the percentage increase in different types of housing between 1992 and 2007, including both new builds and stock that has been converted to a different form of tenure.

Housing stock in the UK increased from 23.5 million to 26.6 million homes (a 13.2% increase), with similar increases in England, Scotland and Wales, while Northern Ireland’s stock increased by the much higher rate of 32.7%.

Local authority housing stock declined in all countries, while housing associations’ stock increased sharply, partially reflecting housing policies that support the transfer of council stock into housing association ownership.

Northern Ireland saw a significant increase in privately rented housing compared to all other countries, probably reflecting new-build patterns to meet population growth and housing demand.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 119

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Owner-occupied dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007

This graph outlines the changing number of owner-occupied dwellings across different parts of the UK between 1991 and 2007 (2006 in Scotland). Home ownership has been a dominant tenure in the UK and is widely seen as a key driver of housing demand.

A substantial increase in the number of owner-occupied dwellings has been seen in England, with a rise from 13,397,000 in 1991 to 15,449,000 in 2007, an increase of 15.3%. Scotland and Northern Ireland also saw a dramatic rise in the supply of owner-occupied dwellings.

Scotland saw an increase from 1,132,000 owner-occupied dwellings in 1991 to 1,586,650 in 2006, representing an increase of 40.1%. Northern Ireland saw the biggest increase over the period, with a massive 61.8% increase in owner-occupied dwellings, rising from 323,000 in 1991 to 522,571 in 2007.

While Wales saw an overall increase in owner-occupied dwellings between 1991 and 2007, there have been fluctuations since 1997. The supply of owner-occupied dwellings dropped marginally from 891,000 in 1997 to 888,000 in 1998, rising again to 915,000 in 1999, then falling slightly to 903,000 in 2000 before steadily climbing to reach 968,000 in 2007. Overall there has been a 15.6% increase in owner occupied dwellings from 1991-2007 in Wales.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 106-109

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Privately rented dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007

This chart shows the number of privately rented dwellings by country between 1991 and 2007 (or 2006 for Scotland). The importance of privately rented accommodation as a tenure choice has increased over recent years and is now seen as an important driver of the housing market, particularly with the development of buy-to-let.

There was an increase of 1,099,000 (or 62%) in private rented dwellings in England between 1991 and 2007, while Wales saw an increase of 38,000 (39%) during the same period. Scotland also saw an increase of 78,547 (51%) privately rented dwellings between 1991 and 2006.

Between 1991 and 2007, Northern Ireland saw the most dramatic proportional change, with an extra 46,741 privately rented dwellings, representing an increase of 112% over this period.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 106-109

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Housing Association dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007

This chart shows the number of housing association dwellings by country between 1991 and 2007 (or 2006 for Scotland). Housing association dwellings represent a major source of affordable housing in the UK.

All countries have seen a significant increase in the number and overall proportion of housing association dwellings between 1991 and 2007. The overall increase in stock in England was 210%, compared with 139% in Wales and 298% in Northern Ireland.

Scotland had the largest proportional increase in housing association stock, with a 359% increase in dwellings between 1991 and 2006. There was a major shift in Scotland between 2001 and 2002, during which there was an increase in housing association dwellings from 143,188 to 238,472 (66.5%). While some of the increase is new-build housing, a large percentage of the increase can be attributed to local authority stock transfers to housing associations.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 106-109

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Local authority dwellings in the UK, 1991-2007

This chart shows the number of local authority dwellings by country between 1991 and 2007 (or 2006 for Scotland). Local authority housing stock has been in steady decline during the period examined, in part as a result of local authority stock transfers to housing associations and increased use of the ‘right to buy’ scheme that provides council tenants with the option to purchase the home that they live in.

England has seen a decrease in the number of local authority dwellings from 3,899,000 in 1991 to 1,987,000 in 2007, a drop of 49%. Over the same period, there was a decrease from 222,000 to 154,000 in Wales (a drop of 30.6%) and a decrease from 184,000 to 97,480 in Northern Ireland (a decrease of 47%).

Between 1991 and 2006 Scotland saw a decrease from 816,000 local government dwellings to 346,837, representing the largest drop of 57.5%.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 106-109

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New build housing, 1991-2008

This graph shows the total number of new dwellings started between 1991 and 2008, which is useful for understanding the dynamics of supply and demand in the UK. It should be reviewed alongside housing completion rates.

The average number of new-build starts across the UK during the period 1991 to 2008 was 194,796 per annum, well below the 240,000 per annum target set for England alone.

England has been the most volatile (prone to rapid change) in terms of housing starts compared with Scotland, which has been relatively stable.

Between 2007 and 2008, a downturn was clearly evident in new starts compared to recent years across the UK, with new-build housing starts dropping by 37% in England, 45% in Wales, and 43% in Northern Ireland. Scotland saw the lowest decrease, dropping only 18.5%.

New-build starts in England, Wales and Northern Ireland in 2008 represent the lowest levels recorded during the 1991-2008 period.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-116

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Housing completions, 1991-2008

This graph shows the total number of housing completions between 1991 and 2008. This is a useful way of understanding the dynamics of supply and demand in each country of the UK.

The average annual number of completions across the UK during the period 1991 to 2008 was 191,634.

In 2008 the number of house completions dropped significantly, reflecting the impact of the economic downturn on new-build housing.

Housing completions dropped 18.6% from 2007 to 2008 in the UK, with the most significant drops occurring in Wales (down 21.6%) and Northern Ireland (down 21.2%), followed by England (down 18.7%) and Scotland (down 13.0%).

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-116

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Public sector housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008

This graph shows the total number of public sector housing completions (local authorities, new towns and government departments) between 1990 and 2008 within the UK. Data is not available for Scotland for 2004-05 or for Northern Ireland for 2003-08.

In all countries where data is available, there has been a decline in the building of public sector housing between the early 1990s and 2008.

England has seen the most dramatic decline, from a peak of 14,015 completions in 1990 to a low of 54 in 1999. There has been a gradual increase again recently, with 440 public sector housing completions in 2008. Between 1990 and 2008 England averaged 1,686 housing completions per year.

Wales has also seen a dramatic reduction in public sector housing completions with no completions at all in 1999, 2006 and 2007. Between 1990 and 2008 Wales averaged 107 housing completions per year.

The decrease in Scotland and Northern Ireland was more sustained during the late 1990s than in the other countries, but ultimately resulted in only 2 public sector housing completions in 2004 for Scotland and 19 in Northern Ireland in 2002. Between 1990 and 2008 Scotland averaged 436 housing completions per year and Northern Ireland 491 completions per year.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-115

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Housing association housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008

This graph shows the total housing association house completions in the UK between 1990 and 2008. These have been highly variable over time. The Government policy push towards new house building since 2001 has seen an increased role for housing associations in the provision of affordable housing.

In England, housing association house completions reached a peak of 30,888 in 1995 before dropping to a low of 12,822 in 2003. Since 2003, England has seen a gradual increase once again, with 25,650 completions in 2008.

Housing association completions in Wales peaked in 1994 with 2,975 units completed, before slowly dropping to a low level of 312 in 2005.

Housing completions in the housing association sector have been most erratic in Scotland over the period, particularly in the late 1990s, when 4,854 completions were recorded in 1995, followed by a drop to 2,566 in 1996, before stabilising at an average of 3,886 between 2000 and 2008.

Northern Ireland saw its highest number of housing association completions in 2001, with 1,505 achieved that year, in contrast to its lowest recorded number of 413 completions in 2004. Overall, there was an average of 853 completions between 1990 and 2008 in this country.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-115

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Total private sector housing completions in the UK, 1990-2008

This graphs shows the total number of private sector housing completions between 1990 and 2008, which acts as an indictor of the health of the house-building industry as a whole. While varied completion rates were recorded across most countries in the 1990s, the early 2000s saw a steady increase in private sector completions before a sharp drop in the late 2000s.

The recession of the early 1990s saw private sector housing completions decrease, hitting a low level of 14,421 in Scotland in 1992, 116,634 completions in England in 1993, 6,621 in Wales in 1993, and 5,522 in Northern Ireland in 1994.

From 2002, private sector housing completions began to pick up again in all countries, with completions increasing to 152,100 in 2007 in England, 9,100 in Wales and 21,640 in Scotland. The figure was 16,924 for Northern Ireland in 2006.

However, during the recent economic downturn, there has once again been a decrease in private sector housing completions. Between 2007 and 2008, the number of completions decreased to 115,830 units in England (a 23.8% decrease) and to 6,950 in Wales (a 23.6% decrease), 18,057 in Scotland (a 16.5% decrease) and 9,670 in Northern Ireland (a 23.6% decrease).

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-115

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New house starts begun in 2008

This graph shows the percentage of new housing by tenure for which construction began in 2008 in each country and the UK as a whole..

Most new-build starts in the UK are for market housing (homes for private sale) and are undertaken by the private sector (approximately 80%) with only around 20% undertaken by housing associations.

Scotland has different new-build start patterns to the rest of the UK, with less private sector housing (73%) and a larger proportion provided by the social sector (26.29%).

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-116

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Housing completions in 2008

This graph shows the percentage of completions by tenure in 2008 for each country and the UK as a whole.

Very few local authorities delivered many housing completions, due to changes in policy. However, housing associations continued to play a strong role in England and Scotland.

Wales and Northern Ireland were more dependent on the private sector to deliver housing completions.

Source: UK Housing Review, 2009: 111-116

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House Prices

Available charts:

  • UK average house price, 1991-2008
  • Average house prices by country (adjusted for mix of housing types)
  • Average house prices by types of buyer in the UK (adjusted for mix of housing types)

UK average house price, 1991-2008

This graph highlights the sharp rise in the average house price in the UK (based on a representative sample of homes) from 1991–2009.

In 1991 the average UK house price was about £62,000. This rose to a peak of around £228,000 in autumn 2008, representing a 267% increase, before dropping to about £226,000 in 2009.

The housing market made a slow recovery from the recession in the early 1990s that was followed by a major housing boom starting in 2000. Despite the onset of the recession, house prices continued to rise, albeit only slightly at 2% from 2007 to 2008, before dropping only slightly in 2009 by 0.7%.

House prices remain high in spite of the recession, resulting in continued housing affordability issues for people on low and middle incomes.

Source: Regional Trends, 2009: Table 47a

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Average house prices by country (adjusted for mix of housing types)

This graph shows the average house price (based on annual CLG March figures adjusted for the mix of housing types) for the four countries in the UK.

It is important to note that the mix of housing types was assessed at the beginning of each calendar year to work out the mix-adjustment weightings. Strictly speaking, they are not directly comparable between calendar years. However, they provide a broad understanding of house price trends. House prices can be used as an indicator of affordability as well as providing an understanding of a home’s long-term value as a financial asset.

Between 2002 and 2008, the three countries in Great Britain all experienced house price inflation. The most significant rise was found in Scotland where house prices rose from £118,927 to £163,687 (a 37.6% increase), which is much higher than the level of increase in England (16.3%, from £193,190 to £224,668) and Wales (16.5%, from £142,923 to £166,484). Following the onset of the recession in 2008, house prices in Great Britain dropped from these high levels before slightly recovering in 2010 to reach an average house price of £212,266 in England, £150,648 in Wales and £165,106 in Scotland.

Northern Ireland saw a slightly different trend. Following a short span of rapid house price inflation between 2004 and 2007, house prices started to fall in 2007, a year ahead of the rest of the UK. Between 2002 and 2007, house prices in Northern Ireland were more or less stagnant, with a slight rise from £124,223 to £217,579. Prices then began to decline again, reaching £174,172 in 2010.

Source: CLG, 2010

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Average house prices by types of buyer in the UK (adjusted for mix of housing types)

This graph shows the average house prices by types of buyer in the UK (based on annual March figures and adjusted for the mix of housing types).

It is important to note that the mix of housing types was assessed at the beginning of each calendar year to work out the mix-adjustment weightings. Strictly speaking, they are not directly comparable between calendar years. However, they provide a broad understanding of house price trends. House prices by buyer types illustrate the different affordability patterns of those who have already owned their properties outright and those who have just entered the housing market.

Between 2002 and 2010 the percentage increase in average house price has been relatively similar for both first-time buyers (a 54.2% increase) and former owner-occupiers (a 60% increase). In 2002 the difference between the absolute average house prices for former owner-occupiers and first-time buyers stood at £50,746 compared to a difference of £87,045 in 2010.

Average house prices for first-time buyers rose from a lower level of £98,412 in 2002 to a much higher price of £161,250 in 2008 before declining to £151,749 in 2010. Average prices for properties owned outright by former owner-occupiers rose from £149,158 in 2002 to a high of £250,630 in 2008 before declining to £238,794 in 2010.

Source: CLG, 2010

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Demographic Change

Available charts:

  • Population Change, 1981-2008
  • Migration between UK countries, 1991-2008
  • International migration 1991-2008
  • Migration and population change 2007-2008
  • Household projections 2006-2031
  • Average Household Size Projection in the UK, 2006-2031

Population Change, 1981-2008

Population change is one of the key demographic factors that affects the vibrancy and economic vitality of neighbourhoods, acting as a measure of housing demand.

Between 1981 and 2008, the UK population grew by 8.9% from 56.4 million to 61.4 million.

Northern Ireland has experienced stronger than average UK growth in this period (14%), while England is closer to the average (9.1%), and Wales’ population has increased at a slower pace (5.9%).

Scotland gradually lost population between 1981 and 2001, with the total falling from 5.18 million to 5.06 million over the 20-year period. However, since 2001, this trend has reversed and the population had risen to 5.17 million in 2008.

Source: Regional Trends, 2010: Table 1.2

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Migration between UK countries, 1991-2008

Migration between countries within the UK (domestic migration) can cause social and economic changes in neighbourhoods and affect housing demand.

Rapid increases in population can result in sharp rises in house prices while rapid decreases can lead to low demand and people leaving the area.

Within the UK, more people overall have moved from England to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland than have moved to it (8,000 people in 2008). This is a sharp decrease from the 22,000 people that moved from England to other parts of the UK in 2007.

Wales and Scotland saw an overall increase in the number of migrants from other parts of the UK from 1991 to 2007; rising from 4,000 to 7,000 people in Wales and from 9,000 to 15,000 people in Scotland. In 2008 this rise decreased to 3,000 people in Wales and 4,000 people in Scotland.

More people moved to Northern Ireland than left the country between 1991 and 2007. In 1991 Northern Ireland saw an increase of 3,000 people compared to an increase of only 1,000 in 2007. In 2008, a similar small increase of 1,000 people occurred.

Source: Regional Trends, 2010: Table 10.6

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International migration 1991-2008

International migration to the UK, like domestic migration, can alter the composition of neighbourhoods and affect demand for housing and neighbourhood facilities.

Immigration can also place particular strains on the social amenities and other facilities required in neighbourhoods to create a cohesive and sustainable community.

England has been the predominant country of choice for international migrants, offsetting its population losses caused by people moving to other parts of the UK. This trend continued in 2008 despite the economic downturn, albeit with a decrease of 74,000 people compared to 2007.

Scotland and Northern Ireland have also seen increases in population from international immigration. However these increases are smaller than the increase in people moving from other parts of the UK. In 2008 Wales saw no net increase in international immigration.

Source: Regional Trends, 2010: Table 10.6

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Migration and population change 2008

Migration-related population change was less of a factor in total population change in 2008 than in 2007 in the UK.

Less than half of the increase in the UK’s population that year was the result of international migration. Instead, other domestic factors such as births contributed more to population change in 2008. The greater increase in domestic population in 2008 impacts housing demand and neighbourhoods differently than high international migration demand, as international migrants are more likely to settle in urban areas, while domestic population growth tends to be spread more evenly throughout the UK.

Looking at each nation individually, migration accounted for approximately one-third of population growth in Northern Ireland, 43% of total population growth in England, and almost all of the population growth in Wales and Scotland in 2008.

Source: Regional Trends, 2009: Table 10.8

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Actual households and household projections 1981-2031

This graph shows actual household numbers between 1981 and 2006 and detailed estimates of how many households there will be in 2031 (with the exception of Northern Ireland, where only limited data is available).

The total number of households has a direct relationship with the level of housing demand and is therefore useful to examine growth pressures on neighbourhoods. Household numbers in Great Britain have shown a continuous trend of growth from 20.3 million in 1981 to 25.7 million in 2006 (a 26.6% increase) with a further projected increase to 33 million in 2031 (a 28.4% increase from 2006).

The projected increase in household numbers across the UK suggests that demographic pressure on housing markets is likely to continue for the foreseeable future.

Source: Regional Trends, 2009: Table 10.15 and NISRA, 2008

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Average Household Size Projection in the UK, 2006-2031

The projections of average household size provide useful information on changing housing demand, which has implications for the type and the density of new-build housing needed in the future.

Based on 2006 figures, Northern Ireland had the largest average household size at 2.55 persons per household, while England and Wales had slightly smaller household sizes of 2.32 and 2.30 respectively. Scotland, however, had the smaller household size of 2.19.

All countries within the UK are projected to see a decrease in average household size between 2006 and 2031.

Northern Ireland’s average household size is projected to drop to 2.27 in 2031. A similar reduction is also projected for England at 2.13 people per household and for Wales at 2.03 people. Scotland is the only country with a projected household size of less than 2 people (at 1.93).

With smaller household sizes, the pressure for providing larger family homes may lessen in the future. However, household size projections do not reflect housing preference and aspirations and thus should not be used as the sole consideration when planning for future housing provision.

Source: CLG, 2009; StatsWales, 2009; Scottish Government, 2009; NISRA, 2008

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About

About this website

This website provides analysis of key housing and neighbourhoods trends across the UK. It has been developed as part of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s Housing and Neighbourhoods Monitor project.

It aims to:

  • provide a resource that brings together the facts on housing and neighbourhoods trends across the UK;
  • support understanding of how long-term trends vary across the four nations of the UK, by providing charts of key indicators;
  • assist in local, regional and national service planning by providing UK-wide maps of key indicators that enable people to compare different housing and neighbourhoods concerns across the four nations and different local areas;
  • provide an overall picture of key UK housing and neighbourhoods concerns, by providing reports that analyse and comment on the indicators and overall policy outcomes.

We would like to acknowledge the leading role played by Richard Kingston at the University of Manchester in the initial development of this website in 2009, and Torchbox for the website’s design.

Errors and bugs

We recognise that this site (launched Nov 2009) will contain errors and bugs, especially during its early life, and we encourage you to report them to us. Please contact us if you spot anything.

About the Housing and Neighbourhoods Monitor project

The Housing and Neighbourhoods Monitor project has been funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and is being delivered by:

  • the University of Manchester’s Centre for Urban Policy Studies (CUPS) in collaboration with
  • the University of Glasgow’s Department of Urban Studies and
  • the University of Ulster’s Built Environment Research Institute (BERI).

 

It aims to:

  • identify key housing and neighbourhoods issues of concern across the UK as a whole and within each of its four nations through analysis of housing and neighbourhoods statistics;
  • comment on government performance on related national policy targets; and
  • identify emerging trends and concerns that may not be in the policy spotlight.

 

This work has been funded for a three-year period initially, running from 2009-2011. Subject to positive user feedback on this website, JRF anticipates continuing its commitment to monitoring housing and neighbourhoods trends in the longer term and updating this website.

About the Joseph Rowntree Foundation

The Joseph Rowntree Foundation is an independent charity and endowed foundation that funds a large, UK-wide research and development programme. It works alongside the Joseph Rowntree Housing Trust, which is a registered housing association, managing around 2,500 homes, and a registered provider of care services.

Our purpose is to influence policy and practice by searching for evidence and demonstrating solutions to improve:

  • the circumstances of people experiencing poverty and disadvantage;
  • the quality of their homes and communities;
  • the nature of the services and support that foster their well-being and citizenship.

 

For more details about the JRF’s programmes of work see www.jrf.org.uk/work.